However, these deprivations and discriminations are not just economic; they are also social, cultural and political. Illiteracy among Dalits is very high and this is exploited in more ways than one. There are subtle - often not so subtle - types of discrimination a Dalit student has to face in school; untouchability is widespread, including the use of `two glasses' - one for Dalits and the other for `caste Hindus' - in tea shops. There is a delicate line of social behaviour, transgression of which brings in immediate and often brutal reprisals. Smoking in front of `caste Hindus' or walking in the main part of the village wearing chappals can invite violence. But the most brutal forms of reprisal - including `honour killings' of the couple by `caste Hindus' - seem to be reserved for inter-caste marriages involving a Dalit.

The discriminations are also political in nature. Often their right to vote is taken away through violent means; in some cases there is violent reprisal - by the police - because Dalits decide to boycott elections in protest. In elected panchayats with reservations for Dalits, elections are either not allowed to be held, or, when held elected Dalit panchayat members are not allowed to function. In some cases, the denial of these rights has taken the form of murder of Dalit panchayat members. Political rallies by Dalits are not allowed to take off or severely restricted.
There is very little solace for a Dalit in religion or even in death; various types of discriminations continue in these spheres. The religious rights of the Dalit - to worship - are often severely restricted. And the burial grounds for Dalits often lack proper approach roads and attempts to reach these grounds through land belonging to `caste Hindus' often invite reprisals.

The fact that Dalits have to face such deprivation, discrimination, and violence - in all their intensity and range - from `caste Hindus' is perhaps explicable in terms of the central role caste plays in our society. But these articles also bring out the role - more often than not, nefarious - played by various organs of the state in this. The police have often been brutal in their dealings with Dalits - the articles documents heart-rending accounts of such brutalities. The administration has been insensitive, to say the least. Atrocities against Dalits and instances of Dalit assertion are treated essentially as law and order problems, not social ones. Viswanathan also records the devious ways in which the administration tries to scuttle various programmes and measures instituted by the State for the benefit of Dalits - such as reservations in jobs and poverty alleviation programmes. The inquiry commissions set up by the State often end up blaming the victims: perhaps the most notorious example of this is an inquiry Commission that did a complete white-wash of police brutalities against striking workers, mostly Dalits, of the Manjolai tea estate in Tirunelveli in July 1999.

While deep-rooted caste prejudices and practices provide the basis for these discriminations and atrocities faced by Dalits, the Frontline articles also document another side to the picture. While the story has been one of deprivations and discriminations, it is also a story of Dalit assertion. And such assertion often has invited reprisals - often brutal - by `caste Hindus' and the State. The bases and forms of such assertion by Dalits have been varied and many. It has often been the result of out-migration, particularly to the Gulf countries, by Dalits in search of skilled jobs. It has taken the form of land struggles; struggles for better wages and working conditions, as by the Manjolai estate workers. It has often taken the form of conversion to Islam. Perhaps most importantly, it has taken the form of political mobilisation and involvement.

What about the role of the Dravidian movement and the Dravidian parties, the DMK and the AIADMK? The title of the book, `Dalits in Dravidian Land,' as well as large parts of the introduction seem to indicate that the Dravidian movement and the Dravidian parties have to share a large part of the blame for the situation of the Dalits in the State today. The Dravidian parties certainly have a lot to answer for in this regard: the articles clearly chronicle the fact that violence by state organs was a regular feature all through the rule of these two parties in Tamil Nadu. But one also would have to recognise the fact that the Dravidian movement in the State provided socio-political and cultural space for the deprived sections to assert themselves. While it is undeniable that the gainers in this process were largely the middle castes, the assertion by the deprived - including the Dalits - could hardly be divorced from this movement.

This is a book that tells us what an intelligent, committed, sober - and self-effacing - journalist can do to highlight gross injustices and deprivations prevalent in our midst. At a time when glossy, trivial, P3 journalism is making heavy inroads into the Indian print media, we should thank Frontline and Viswanathan for keeping this tradition alive; and Navayana for putting all the articles in one place.